DAVAO CITY (August 26) — On June 2, amid heavy rains, Nicolas Torre III stood at the peak of his career. The first graduate of the Philippine National Police Academy (PNPA) to become Chief of the Philippine National Police (PNP), Torre was installed by President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. himself , a move hailed as historic, finally breaking the Philippine Military Academy’s (PMA) monopoly over the country’s top police post.
But Torre’s triumph was short-lived. But more two months later, he was stripped of command. His downfall, insiders say, had less to do with crime-fighting and more to do with the fractured power dynamics within the Marcos family itself.
Hours before his relief order was made public, Malacañang Palace itself reportedly reached out to Torre a gesture that raised more questions than answers. Was it an act of reassurance, or a political signal that the battle inside the PNP is no longer just about uniforms, but about power, family, and factions?
Torre’s Rise on Bold Arrests
Torre made his name on daring, politically explosive arrests.
September 8, 2024: He oversaw the raid on the Kingdom of Jesus Christ compound in Davao City, finally arresting Pastor Apollo Quiboloy after a failed June attempt.
March 11, 2025: He ordered the dramatic arrest of former president Rodrigo Duterte at NAIA, an unprecedented move that led to Duterte’s transfer to the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity charges.
These operations made Torre a folk hero for PNPA graduates and a shock figure in Philippine politics. He became the face of a new kind of policing — aggressive, daring, willing to touch untouchables.
But they also made him enemies.
The Policy That Couldn’t Protect Him
When Torre assumed office, he rolled out his Five-Minute Response Policy (5-MRP) — an ambitious plan to ensure rapid police action against crimes. It was concrete, operational, and measurable, and it earned him praise in some quarters.
Yet the 5-MRP also revealed his blind spot: Torre was focused on performance, not politics. He leaned heavily on Police General Jane Fajardo as his closest adviser, sidelining seasoned field commanders and alienating influential officers. To his critics, Torre’s “circle” was thin, and his ability to navigate the politics of police command was nonexistent.
And in the PNP, politics is survival.
The Nartatez Gamble — and the Marcos Rift
The breaking point came when Torre unilaterally relieved his deputy, Police Lt. Gen. Jose Melencio Nartatez Jr., banishing him to a “floating” post in Western Mindanao.
What Torre failed to grasp or chose to ignore was that Nartatez was no ordinary officer. He was close to Senator Imee Marcos, the President’s sister, and equally close to Interior Secretary Jonvic Remulla, another power broker. Removing him wasn’t just a personnel reshuffle; it was a declaration of war against Imee’s camp.
Within days, the National Police Commission (Napolcom), where Remulla holds sway, issued an order questioning Torre’s reassignment of Nartatez and at least a dozen other officers. The directive effectively stripped legitimacy from Torre’s decisions, placing his authority in doubt.
Palace insiders say Torre was reportedly summoned by the Palace for a closed-door meeting to iron out the brewing crisis, but the conflict was already beyond repair.
Soon after, Torre was out. Nartatez, Imee’s ally was back, this time elevated as the new PNP Chief.
Marcos vs. Marcos: Who Controls the PNP?
The episode revealed not just Torre’s miscalculation, but also the long-simmering rivalry between the Marcos siblings.
President Marcos Jr. had thrown his weight behind Torre, swearing him in and presenting him as a reformist PNP chief. Torre’s PNPA roots and bold operational record fit Marcos Jr.’s narrative of reform and modernization.
Senator Imee Marcos, however, had other ideas. Her closeness to Nartatez and Remulla positioned her as a quiet power broker in the PNP. For her, Torre’s dismissal of Nartatez was not just an insult — it was a direct challenge to her influence.
By reinstating Nartatez and toppling Torre, Imee’s camp sent a clear signal: the PNP remains a political fortress where alliances matter more than operational successes.
The move also underscored a rift in the Marcos dynasty itself with the police force caught in the middle of a sibling power play.
The War Among Officers
Within Camp Crame, officers are calling this “the war among officers.”
On one side are reformists like Torre, who tried to steer the PNP toward operational effectiveness. On the other are loyalists like Nartatez, who may not have battlefield records but are backed by powerful patrons.
The Napolcom intervention further divided the ranks: was Torre punished for overstepping, or was he sacrificed on the altar of political expediency?
The lesson for many officers was sobering: merit has limits, but patronage has none.
The PNP, with its 230,000 personnel and vast budget, is too politically valuable to be left to technocrats. Whoever controls it wields influence not just over crime and order, but also over national elections, security operations, and even business interests tied to policing.
What Is Left for Torre?
For Torre, his fall is a harsh lesson. His operational boldness arresting Quiboloy, arresting Duterte made him appear unstoppable. But his failure to navigate the politics of Camp Crame left him exposed.
Malacañang may yet find a face-saving role for him: a diplomatic posting, an international policing assignment, or a technical advisory slot far away from Camp Crame. His reputation as a fearless operator ensures he will not be discarded entirely.
But within the police force, Torre is now a cautionary tale: even the most daring reforms and historic arrests mean little if you miscalculate the politics at the top.
As one Crame insider put it: Torre thought he was fighting crime. What he didn’t see was that he was fighting the Marcoses.-Editha Z Caduaya
Edith Z Caduaya studied Bachelor of Science in Development Communication at the University of Southern Mindanao.
The chairperson of Mindanao Independent Press Council (MIPC) Inc.