COTABATO CITY (May 22) — The takeover of the Bangsamoro education ministry by Abdulraof Macacua has deepened tensions within the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), exposing an increasingly public clash between political accountability and internal movement solidarity in the Bangsamoro transition government.
Macacua formally assumed concurrent control of the Ministry of Basic, Higher and Technical Education (MBHTE) this week after effectively removing Education Minister Mohagher Iqbal over audit findings involving some P2.2 billion in allegedly questionable transactions.
The move marks one of the most politically sensitive shake-ups in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) since its creation in 2019, not only because MBHTE is the region’s largest ministry, but also because Iqbal is among the MILF’s most senior and symbolic figures — chief peace negotiator during talks with Manila and first vice chairman of the organization.
By directly taking over the ministry, Macacua signaled an attempt to project administrative control and accountability amid mounting scrutiny over public spending. But the decision also triggered rare open resistance from within the MILF itself.
Thousands of MILF supporters gathered outside the BARMM government compound in Cotabato City on May 18 to demand Iqbal’s retention, framing the issue not merely as an administrative matter but as a question of “brotherhood” forged through decades of armed struggle.
The pressure intensified when MILF chairman Ahod Ebrahim formally urged Macacua to reconsider removing Iqbal, reminding him of the obligation to consult the movement’s leadership on major decisions affecting the peace process and governance structure established under the 2014 Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro.
Despite the appeals, Macacua pressed ahead.
The confrontation has revealed a difficult balancing act confronting the BARMM leadership: whether governance in the autonomous region will continue to be shaped primarily by revolutionary fraternity and consensus politics, or increasingly by institutional accountability and public audit standards.
At the center of the dispute is a Commission on Audit (COA) report flagging over P2.2 billion in MBHTE transactions for allegedly irregular or questionable processes. While no court has established criminal liability, the findings generated significant political pressure on Macacua to act, particularly as BARMM faces growing demands to prove that its institutions can uphold transparency and fiscal discipline.
Iqbal refused to resign voluntarily, although he later said he would respect lawful processes. His removal nonetheless underscored how fragile internal cohesion within the MILF-led government has become as it transitions from revolutionary movement to governing bureaucracy.
Political observers note that the controversy goes beyond one ministry.
The MBHTE crisis has become an early test of how far the Bangsamoro government is willing to enforce accountability against senior revolutionary leaders who helped build the peace process itself.
Macacua himself acknowledged the political cost of the decision, admitting he could face retaliation within the MILF, including possible removal as chief of staff of the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces.
Still, he defended the move as necessary.
“There is no ownership in the MILF,” Macacua said, stressing that positions are temporary but accountability to the Bangsamoro people must remain paramount.
For BARMM, the unfolding standoff may ultimately define whether the region’s institutions mature into an autonomous civilian government governed by public accountability — or remain constrained by the internal loyalties of the movement that created it.
